GMO is a Boston asset manager co-founded in 1977 by Jeremy Grantham with Richard Mayo and Eyk Van Otterloo, known for valuation-driven dynamic asset allocation built on long-horizon mean reversion. Grantham is famous for calling historic bubbles, warning publicly ahead of both the 2000 dot-com crash and the 2008 financial crisis. Flagship publications include the GMO Quarterly Letter (now written by Asset Allocation co-heads Ben Inker and John Pease), Grantham's Viewpoints essays and the 7-Year Asset Class Forecast.

This report argues that current inflation fears are overblown. Yes, governments printed money and ran big deficits, but the author says inflation won't stick unless wages rise significantly—which hasn't happened. It compares today's situation to post-WWII Britain, when rationing ended and prices spiked briefly then settled. For regular investors, the takeaway is: don't rush into gold or commodities just because you hear 'inflation.' Watch wage data instead. Worth reading because it challenges the mainstream panic with historical evidence.
This report is authored by GMO analysts James Montier and Philip Pilkington, focusing on the causes and risks of inflation. The core argument is that current market concerns about inflation are exaggerated—inflation is not simply driven by money supply or fiscal deficits, but involves a "cumulative
This chapter aims to refute the current market's excessive panic over inflation. The report notes that although inflation concerns became the largest "tail risk" in the BofA Global Fund Manager Survey in 2021, and both money supply and fiscal deficits are at post-World War II highs, the market's understanding of the causes of inflation is fundamentally flawed. The author argues that the current inflation panic is similar to the situation after the 2008-09 crisis, a repeat of "crying wolf," but the nature of this economic shock (a supply shock triggering a demand shock) is entirely different from the last one (a debt-deflation demand shock).
1. The Money Supply Fallacy:
2. The Fiscal Deficit Fallacy:
The sequel further refutes the traditional view that fiscal deficits drive inflation through cross-sectional and time-series data. Exhibits 7 and 8 show data for the US over 70 years and Japan over 40 years, respectively, and both results indicate no meaningful statistical relationship between fiscal deficits and inflation. Notably, Japan experienced persistent high deficits (from -6% to -10% of GDP) from the 1990s to the 2010s, but its inflation rate hovered near 0% or even fell into deflation during the same period. This phenomenon starkly contrasts with the assertion that "fiscal deficits inevitably cause inflation" and challenges the monetarist school's concerns about fiscal expansion.
| Country | Time Period | Fiscal Deficit Range (% of GDP) | Inflation Range (CPI YoY) | Correlation |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| USA | 1951-2021 | -15% to +2% | 0% to 15% | No significant correlation |
| Japan | 1980-2019 | -10% to -2% | -1% to 4% | No significant correlation |
The sequel points out that the US personal savings rate experienced a historic surge during the 2020-2021 pandemic (Exhibit 9), in stark contrast to the stimulus policies after the 2008-2009 financial crisis. In 2008, stimulus funds were spent quickly, while in 2020, stimulus funds were largely saved. The author argues this difference stems from "fundamental uncertainty": during lockdowns, workers faced unemployment risk, unclear re-opening timelines, and policy reversals, leading to a sharp increase in precautionary savings motives. This phenomenon directly refutes the "Ricardian equivalence" theory (that savings are to meet future tax increases) and aligns more with the Keynesian description of uncertainty—human psychology dominates economic behavior under extreme uncertainty.
The sequel proposes an innovative indicator—the Worker Bargaining Index (WBI)—composed of three variables:
A positive WBI indicates weakening worker bargaining power, while a negative value indicates strengthening. Exhibit 10 shows that the WBI rose sharply in 2020 (bargaining power decreased), mainly due to a surge in the unemployment rate, while union membership share had fallen about 15% since the last recession, and strike propensity also weakened. This suggests that a wage-price spiral is unlikely to form in the labor market in the short term, thus curbing the transmission of inflation from the labor side.
Exhibit 11 shows that as of June 2021, the Atlanta Fed Wage Growth Tracker (3-month moving average) remained around 3%, far below the 5%-8% range seen during the inflationary 1970s. This indicator, based on microdata (Current Population Survey), tracks changes in the median hourly wage for individuals and serves as a real-time measure of inflationary pressure in the labor market. Current data suggests that wage growth does not yet pose a systemic inflation risk.
The sequel explains the uniqueness of the pandemic lockdown as "the first large-scale, man-made supply shock in history" using the AS-AD model (Exhibit 12). Unlike mobilizations during WWI and WWII (where factories were repurposed for war production but capacity was not shut down), the pandemic lockdown directly led to the closure of factories, stores, and other supply-side entities, accompanied by income losses on the demand side. The model shows:
The conclusion is that stimulus policies implemented to avoid a deep recession will inevitably lead to a short-term rise in the price level (i.e., inflation), but this is not long-term persistent inflation. This analytical framework attributes short-term inflation risk to supply bottlenecks, rather than monetary or fiscal expansion itself.
This article continues its analysis of the causes of inflation by introducing a key historical analogy—the end of rationing in post-WWII Britain. The author argues that this case provides empirical support for understanding the "temporary" nature of post-pandemic US inflation.
Exhibit 13 shows the price changes (adjusted for inflation) for goods in the first and second years after the end of rationing in post-WWII Britain. Key data points (estimated from the chart):
Based on UK rationing data, the author constructed a "Rationing Model" for US CPI in Q2 2020 and compared it with actual data from April 2021 (Exhibit 14):
The author reiterates that current inflation is more likely "temporary," for the following reasons:
| Dimension | UK Rationing (1940s-1950s) | US Post-Pandemic (2020-2021) |
|---|---|---|
| Reason for Supply Constraint | War mobilization, resources prioritized for military | Lockdowns, supply chain disruptions, labor shortages |
| Demand Release Characteristic | Concentrated buying after ration books canceled | Fiscal stimulus (e.g., $1,400 checks) combined with pent-up consumption |
| Inflation Peak (Year 1) | Most goods +5% to +20% (inflation-adjusted) | CPI YoY about 4.2% (April 2021) |
| Inflation Persistence | Generally fell back to 0-5% in Year 2 | Model predicts fallback to 2-3% in 2022 |
| Key Driving Factors | Producers recouping losses | Supply-constrained sectors like used cars, airfares |
1. Price Changes After UK Rationing Ended: Exhibit 13 shows that categories like clothing, coal, and food saw significant increases in the first year after removal, but these narrowed sharply in the second year, supporting the "spike inflation" view.
2. US CPI Prediction Model: The four scenarios in Exhibit 14 (Simple, 50% Rationflation, versions excluding autos) all predicted 2021 CPI in the 2.5%-4.5% range, which aligns with actual data, enhancing the reliability of the historical analogy.
3. Evidence of Wage Suppression: The author reiterates that wage growth has long been below productivity growth, and labor bargaining power has not strengthened, which is the fundamental reason why inflation is unlikely to persist.